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25 years after revolution, Iran is = facing new=20 realities
Islamic leaders under pressure from = within,=20 outside nation

Borzou = Daragahi,=20 Chronicle Foreign Service=20

Wednesday, February=20 11,=20 2004
3D"San
=20

3D"Click=20


Tehran -- In a narrow alleyway, = Refah=20 School pulses with life as the country marks the 25th=20 anniversary today of an uprising that reminded people = that=20 Islamic fundamentalism is a force to be reckoned with. =

Here, at the school where the revolution was = hatched,=20 clerics met for years to pave the way for the return = of=20 Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. When he arrived in Tehran = on Feb.=20 1, 1979, after 15 years in exile, millions thronged = the=20 streets. Ten days later, the government of the = U.S.-backed=20 Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi fell, and the school became = the=20 revolution's headquarters. In the first few months, = Ayatollah=20 Sadeq Khalkhali, Iran's infamous hanging judge, = ordered the=20 executions of hundreds of opponents in Tehran, some = shot to=20 death on Refah's roof.=20

Today, Refah is an elementary school for girls, who = have=20 festooned its walls with drawings and poems decrying = the shah,=20 America and Israel and praising the leader of the = revolution.=20

"Oh, holy warrior, oh symbol of honor," the = schoolgirls in=20 their modest little headscarves sing in unison. "You = are the=20 protector of our nation and faith. Your words lead us = to=20 health. Khomeini, oh, Imam! Khomeini, oh, Imam!"=20

The slogans are the same, but today's Iran is far = different=20 than the one 25 years ago, when Khomeini declared the = birth of=20 the Islamic republic and set the country on a = collision course=20 with the world. Though politically still a theocratic=20 dictatorship, Iran today is younger, smarter, more = cynical and=20 more modern.=20

At the urging of Iran's religious leaders, hundreds = of=20 thousands are expected to march, wave signs and shout = slogans=20 lauding the revolution during anniversary festivities = today,=20 but the celebrations obscure a reservoir of = discontent.=20

"The revolution put us at least two decades ahead = of Arab=20 and Muslim countries," said Hamidreza Jalaipour, a = University=20 of Tehran social scientist. "People in those countries = now=20 want religious government. We've already experienced = that. We=20 thought religious government could solve all our = problems. But=20 religion didn't become more popular, the mosques = didn't become=20 more full and the state didn't become more efficient." =

Twenty-five years later, the revolution that = started at=20 Refah School casts a long shadow on the world as well = as Iran.=20

"It catalyzed Islamic movements across the world," = said=20 Rasool Nafisi, an Iranian American professor of = humanities at=20 Strayer University in Baltimore. "The echo of its = revolution=20 is still heard in the constitutions of various new = republics,=20 such as Afghanistan and Iraq. New Islamic republics = are being=20 born, and new militant assertions of power by Muslim = clergy=20 are being heard across the Muslim world."=20

Meanwhile, Iran is struggling with a midlife = crisis.=20

Reformists led by President Mohammad Khatami, the = smiling=20 cleric who was elected with huge majorities in 1997 = and 2001,=20 have tried to change Iran from within the government. = But many=20 have been barred from running in elections scheduled = for=20 February 20, setting off a political crisis that is = putting=20 the spotlight on Iran's curious hybrid government, = which bills=20 itself as an Islamic republic.=20

In the past quarter century, "the ongoing debate = and the=20 competing interpretations of what it means to have a = republic=20 that is at once Islamic and democratic" has only = heightened,=20 said Nader Entessar, an Iranian American professor of=20 political science at Spring Hill College in Mobile, = Ala.=20

The Islamic revolution radically transformed Iran, = a=20 relatively prosperous, modern nation that chafed under = the=20 rule of the Shah.=20

The 444-day hostage crisis at the U.S. Embassy that = began=20 in November 1979 destroyed ties with Washington and = led to a=20 quarter century of economic isolation, turning Iran's = best=20 friend into its worst enemy.=20

During Iran's long night of Jacobin terror from = 1981 to=20 1983, Amnesty International estimates that up to = 25,000=20 suspected opponents to clerical rule were executed. = The ruling=20 clerics' shock troops enforced Islamic rules against = liquor,=20 dancing and pop music. They took over the courts, = intelligence=20 services and military, stifling dissident voices and = jailing=20 critics. And they dispatched militants abroad -- = masters of=20 terror like Hezbollah -- who frayed Iran's relations = with=20 nearly every country in the world.=20

But today's Iran is being forced to adjust to new = domestic=20 and international realities. With U.S. troops = occupying Iraq=20 to the west and guarding Afghanistan to the east, = Iran's=20 clerical leaders are under pressure to establish = relations=20 with the country they once labeled the Great Satan. = Europeans=20 have demanded -- and received -- concessions on = terrorism and=20 weapons proliferation in exchange for badly needed = foreign=20 investment.=20

Critics have also demanded that Iran be more = accountable=20 for its human rights record. Most observers agree it = has=20 steadily improved since the late 1980s, but the = government=20 continues to jail dissidents.=20

"The reality is our situation is like a nightmare," = said=20 Ahmad, a prominent intellectual released from jail = last year=20 who asked that his name not be used for fear of = retribution.=20 "I feel like I'm asleep and I'm seeing a nightmare and = I'm=20 waiting to wake up from the nightmare and be able to=20 comfortably think and write without worrying that my = phone=20 calls are being monitored and that my activities are = being=20 watched."=20

Increasingly, however, it is neither dissidents nor = politicians who are the driving force for change in = Iran.=20

Two-thirds of Iranians are under 30, pushing for = good jobs=20 and new opportunities.=20

"I can't make it here. If you want to be a success, = you=20 have to go abroad, '' said Mohammed, a student at Amir = Kabir=20 University in Tehran who did not give his last name.=20

Women are another catalyst for change. The = revolution at=20 first reinforced patriarchy, giving men custody rights = and=20 keeping women and girls locked up at home. But = restrictive=20 childhoods made them academic superstars. Now, 60 = percent of=20 university students are women, a generation entering=20 previously taboo arenas.=20

"When you play tough, you prove yourself," says = Qazaleh, an=20 engineering school graduate who plays polo with young = men and=20 teaches girls karate. "When the men bump you, you bump = back.=20 When they hit your stick, you hit them back."=20

Khomeini once said he didn't make the revolution to = improve=20 people's material lives. But even Khomeini's = ideological heirs=20 have adjusted their message. Though conservative = historian and=20 cleric Mohsen Alviri disparages America and Israel and = trumpets the revolution's spiritual successes, he = admits the=20 government needs to do more to address people's = earthly needs.=20

"Domestically in terms of management and solving = economics,=20 we haven't been successful," he said. Nearly a fifth = of Iran's=20 68 million people live below the poverty line, = according to=20 government statistics, and unemployment is estimated = at up to=20 20 percent.=20

Even some of the clerics' young, right-wing = supporters have=20 begun to change. Bashir, a member of the Basiji = militia who=20 also asked that his last name not be used, once spent = his=20 weekends harassing women who showed too much hair = under their=20 headscarves or boys who played pop music on their = radios. Now=20 he no longer has the heart to enforce the clerics' = rules.=20

"People have such big problems, and they're out = trying to=20 enjoy themselves a little bit," he says. "Either the = guy has=20 economic problems and can't get married, or he's got=20 difficulties at work. Who am I to bother him?"=20

Critics also complain that the economy remains in = the hands=20 of conservative clerics and their allies who seized = businesses=20 at the beginning of the revolution. Tehran's stock = market has=20 soared an average of 50 percent a year over the past = five=20 years, enriching some in a country where many live in = dire=20 poverty.=20

At the Behesht-e Zahra cemetery for soldiers who = died in=20 the Iran-Iraq war, Amir Saber and Asghar Shafiee say = they=20 won't vote on February 20. Both men fought against = Iraq, and=20 both men are proud of their military record, but this = loyalty=20 doesn't extend to the ballot box, they say.=20

Saber says elected officials in Iran have a history = of=20 making false promises about reform and economic = development.=20 He says too many members of parliament only look out = for their=20 own interests, not those of constituents.=20

"They enter parliament on a bicycle,'' he says, = "and they=20 leave driving Mercedes Benzes.''=20

Such corruption has disgusted many Iranians, = including=20 those in the spiritual center of Qom, the city 75 = miles south=20 of Tehran where Khomeini studied religion for years. = Some=20 clerics there say the revolution has strayed far from = its=20 original purposes.=20

"We were looking for freedom and social justice," = says=20 Fazel Maibadi, a liberal cleric. "We wanted to = eliminate=20 poverty and corruption. We wanted real freedom. We're = still a=20 long way from that."=20

But Kayhan Kalhor, one of Iran's most prominent = musicians,=20 says the debate over the Feb. 20 elections actually = shows how=20 much progress Iran has made in the past five years. = Today, he=20 says, there is more tolerance for public debate about = the=20 country's future.=20

"Iran is changing,'' he says. "There was a time, = right=20 after the revolution, when (government leaders) put an = iron=20 curtain about themselves (and the country), and they = thought=20 they could survive. Now they believe that if they want = to=20 survive, they have to be part of the world.''=20

Chronicle staff writer Jonathan Curiel in Tehran = contributed to this report.

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